Category Archives: Argumentation

Clarity in the Immigration Debate

Immigration is not always the clearest of issues. Just watch the talking heads on the tv. Both sides have the maddening tendency to claim the same argument as their own — “I am for legal immigration, and against illegal immigration.”

Sounds reasonable enough. That’s probably why so many people say it in the first place. But where does that kind of thinking take us?

The quota on H1-B visas for highly skilled workers is currently 65,000 per year. Remember the pro-legal, anti-illegal argument. That requires being for 65,000 visas, and against 65,001 visas. Think about that for a minute. Isn’t that weird? 0.0015% is the difference between saying yes and no.

It gets stranger. Congress constantly changes the definition of “legal immigration.” Restrictions are tightened in one bill. Loosened in the next. Do people then change their mind every time Congress passes new immigration legislation?

This is not a rigorous line of thought. That’s why I don’t think very many people actually think that way, even if they say they do. Most people have some optimum immigration level they’d like to see. This is where the real immigration debate lies.

My preference is on the high side. For a lot of reasons, I favor letting in more immigrants. Morally and economically, in my heart and my head, that is what I believe to be right.

Others would prefer to have fewer immigrants. They have their own reasons, just as sincerely held.

Being for legal immigration and against illegal immigration may sound sane and pragmatic. Really, it is neither. It reduces a debate over the well-being of millions to semantics.

Combatants in the immigration debate should base their opinions on what they feel is just. Not on whatever happens to be legal this year.

Sometimes Questions Are Better than Answers

Adam Cohen’s piece in today’s New York Times, “Republicans’ Latest Talking Point: The New Deal Failed,” is profoundly interesting. I have no idea if the article is representative of Cohen’s thought. But I’m led to believe that he is the type of person who, while very intelligent, did not ask many questions in school.

The standard high school civics textbook paints a glowing picture of the New Deal. So does public opinion. The inquisitive mind does not just take that at face value. It asks questions. Seeks answers. Comes to its own conclusion.

Maybe Cohen did all that, and decided the New Deal was a good thing. I am skeptical that he went to the trouble.

Why? Start with his first argument. It is simply lazy. It is a partisan’s argument. He quotes Fox News and the Wall Street Journal, and declares, these people vote Republican! Of course they’re wrong!

Yes, Republicans are wrong on many issues. Most issues, in fact. At least from my perspective. But Republican = wrong is just lazy. One must take an argument seriously to determine its merit.

His second argument is also lazy. It appeals to public opinion. This is a fallacy. A quarter of voters didn’t even know which party controlled Congress last election. 55% of Americans reject something as basic as evolution. Public opinion is not to be trusted, in other words. Better to come to your own conclusions. Better to ask questions.

Cohen’s most compelling argument is also his least rigorous: anecdote. He tells a story of a man helped by New Deal spending. Note that he left out stories of people hurt by that spending. Both kinds of anecdotes are right there in the open. Cohen is guilty of cherrypicking.

Then there are the errors of fact. Cohen claims that President Bush rolled back the regulatory state. But 33,055 new regulations passed under Bush’s watch. That’s not a typo. I’ll spell it out. Thirty-three thousand and fifty-five new regulations. Look at the data. Bush didn’t roll back anything.

Cohen is simply mistaken. He didn’t ask questions. He just assumed that Republican = deregulation. He didn’t ask if that was actually true.

As an economist, here’s the real doozy:

“The anti-New Deal line is wrong as a matter of economics. F.D.R.’s spending programs did help the economy and created millions of new jobs. The problem, we now know, is not that F.D.R. spent too much priming the pump, but rather that he spent too little. It was his decision to cut back on spending on New Deal programs that brought about a nasty recession in 1937-38.”

Really?

First, the theory. Let’s ask: what was the impact of FDR’s programs? Every dollar spent on them was a dollar that was taken out of the economy, then put back into it. This is not how an economy grows. Growth requires the creation of new wealth, not the redistribution of old wealth.

And the data? One of President Obama’s top advisers, Christina Romer, showed that both the Depression and the 1937-38 dip were largely monetary phenomenons. Not fiscal. Monetary. Look at the data.

What about that fiscal policy? Another economist, Price Fishback, demonstrated that New Deal fiscal policy had almost no net effect on the economy. Again, look at the data.

If one asks questions and looks at the data, one finds that the New Deal did not actually help the economy. Partisan affiliation has nothing to do with it. Neither does public opinion.

Theory and data do. All you have to do is ask them.

Sadly, most media outlets – and their customers – do not want to ask questions. That requires too much thought. Too much effort. Worse, such things can’t fit into soundbites. No, we want people who have answers.

A Cooler Perspective on the Global Warming Debate

Over at the New York Times, John Tierney looks at the state of the global warming debate. He points out that those who hold non-mainstream views are usually dismissed as corporate shills.

This is a shame; people have put forward arguments that are either right or wrong. Funding sources have nothing to do with whether those arguments are right or wrong.

Many people think they’re wrong. It would be nice to know why, instead of who underwrites their research. Who cares? There are much bigger fish to fry here.

We know the Earth is getting warmer, and there’s a high probability that humans have something to do with it. Beyond that, we still have a lot to learn. We have yet to conclusively determine whether the net effects will be good or bad. Will it be better to adapt to a changing world, or to try to stop that change altogether? Those are big questions, and we don’t know the answers yet.

So let’s get to finding them out. Demonizing people who disagree with us is, to be frank, a waste of time.

The Uses of Distraction

The art of argument has a lot of tools. One of them I loathe: the personal attack. Paul Krugman, a partisan Democrat, is a master of the ad hominem. I’ve taken issue with him before.

I’m reading a book of his, 1994’s Peddling Prosperity, for a class right now. Early on (p.23), there is a textbook use of personal attack to distract the reader from the matter at hand. Here, Krugman accuses someone of racism to discredit their main point, which has nothing to do with race:

In 1981 Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan uttered a startling pronouncement: “The Republicans,” he declared, “are now the party of ideas.” Moynihan was and is a moderate Democrat. He once served in the Nixon administration, and he earned the ire of many 1960s liberals both by his willingness to talk about the disintegration of black families and by his authorship of a leaked memo suggesting that the race issue be treated with “benign neglect.”

Moynihan’s “benign neglect” memo is despicable. But it has nothing to do with whether or not the GOP had creative ideas in the early 1980s.

Sadly, the average reader won’t see past that. They will take Moynihan’s wrongness on racial issues to mean he is automatically wrong on anything else he says.

Ah, distraction. When you don’t feel like constructing a strong argument, simply distract the reader. Maybe they won’t notice.

What Makes Someone Right or Wrong?

The Editor, New York Times
229 West 43rd St.
New York, NY 10036

To the Editor:

Much as I enjoy conservative-bashing, I was disappointed in Paul Krugman’s October 5 column, “Conservatives Are Such Jokers.” He almost reflexively assumes that people who disagree with him have checkered motives. He comes off as reluctant to argue policies on their merits, in this case the SCHIP children’s health insurance program.

Why so quick to question his opponents’ motives? SCHIP opponents have put forward arguments that are either right or wrong. Motives have nothing to do with whether those arguments are right or wrong.

SCHIP opponents don’t like the program because they don’t think it will improve childrens’ health outcomes. The disagreement is a question of means, not ends. Does anyone actually favor having sicker children?

While Mr. Krugman clearly favors expanding the SCHIP program, he doesn’t really say why. I invite him to make his case – on the merits.

Ryan Young
Arlington, VA

Partisanship

“The partisan, when he is engaged in a dispute, cares nothing about the rights of the question, but is anxious only to convince his hearers of his own assertions.”

-Plato, Phaedo.