Category Archives: Philosophy

Why Good Men Don’t Become President Anymore

President-elect Obama became President Obama today. It is worth taking a minute to reflect on the nature of his office. Exactly what has he gotten himself into?

Good men rarely become president. Good people don’t even want to be president. Once in a while, one slips through the cracks. George Washington. Abraham Lincoln. Grover Cleveland (not kidding). Maybe Barack Obama will be added to that list some day. It’s too early to tell.

I have some doubts. Here’s why: becoming president requires years of campaigning and fundraising, handshaking and deal-making — no one can possibly endure the modern campaign unless they thirst for power to their very core.

Campaigning for even minor office requires months of the candidate prostrating himself before people he’s never met. Making grand promises he couldn’t possibly keep. The things that must do to his mind. Especially if he starts buying his own hype.

Our candidate must hide his true beliefs. He has to tailor his opinions to match the median voter’s. He dares not follow his own heart or mind. He’d lose for sure.

Good people carry themselves with pride and dignity. The man or woman who voluntarily embarks on the modern campaign has neither.

And the media coverage. The spotlight so bright that it burns. Unkempt reporters always scurrying underfoot. Never a moment to yourself on the campaign trail.

Worse, the strain it puts on your family. Long weeks of separation. Unflattering exposés, revealing your relatives’ personal lives for millions to see.

Good people do not do that to their families.

Nor do good people seek power over other human beings. Morality in politics is that of Thrasymachus in Plato’s Republic; might makes right. No parent would teach that to their child. It is wrong.

Yet it is the morality that men must follow to become president.

Politicians are terrible little creatures. May our children aspire to greater things than the presidency.

The Permanent Campaign

Good people generally do not become president. Good people don’t even want to be president.

Why? Power is one reason. There is nothing dignified or noble about seeking power over other human beings.

Morality in politics is that of Thrasymachus in Plato’s Republic: might makes right. No parent would teach that to their child. It is wrong.

The brutal campaigns are the other reason good people shy away from political careers. A successful campaign for even minor office requires months of the candidate prostrating himself before people he’s never met.

He has to tailor his opinions to match the median voter’s. He dares not follow his own heart or mind; he’d lose for sure.

Good people carry themselves with pride and dignity. The man or woman who voluntarily endures the modern campaign has neither.

Pundits started talking years ago about the notion of the “permanent campaign.” It used to be a cynical joke at the expense of a politician whose powerlust was a little too obvious; proper decorum demanded such impulses to be kept below the surface.

Decorum has declined. People who play for the Red Team are already jockeying to position themselves as their team’s nominee. More than three years from now.

The Blue Team already knows who their nominee will be. And he’s already begun campaigning for a second term. His first has not yet even begun.

The Politico‘s Ben Smith reports that President Obama has even named his permanent campaign: Organizing for America. This is unprecedented.

Smith describes it as a “potentially hugely, uniquely powerful tool, enhancing the muscle of the official who is already the most powerful man in America.”

Power. Always power. Politicians are terrible little creatures. May our children aspire to better things.

Sometimes Questions Are Better than Answers

Adam Cohen’s piece in today’s New York Times, “Republicans’ Latest Talking Point: The New Deal Failed,” is profoundly interesting. I have no idea if the article is representative of Cohen’s thought. But I’m led to believe that he is the type of person who, while very intelligent, did not ask many questions in school.

The standard high school civics textbook paints a glowing picture of the New Deal. So does public opinion. The inquisitive mind does not just take that at face value. It asks questions. Seeks answers. Comes to its own conclusion.

Maybe Cohen did all that, and decided the New Deal was a good thing. I am skeptical that he went to the trouble.

Why? Start with his first argument. It is simply lazy. It is a partisan’s argument. He quotes Fox News and the Wall Street Journal, and declares, these people vote Republican! Of course they’re wrong!

Yes, Republicans are wrong on many issues. Most issues, in fact. At least from my perspective. But Republican = wrong is just lazy. One must take an argument seriously to determine its merit.

His second argument is also lazy. It appeals to public opinion. This is a fallacy. A quarter of voters didn’t even know which party controlled Congress last election. 55% of Americans reject something as basic as evolution. Public opinion is not to be trusted, in other words. Better to come to your own conclusions. Better to ask questions.

Cohen’s most compelling argument is also his least rigorous: anecdote. He tells a story of a man helped by New Deal spending. Note that he left out stories of people hurt by that spending. Both kinds of anecdotes are right there in the open. Cohen is guilty of cherrypicking.

Then there are the errors of fact. Cohen claims that President Bush rolled back the regulatory state. But 33,055 new regulations passed under Bush’s watch. That’s not a typo. I’ll spell it out. Thirty-three thousand and fifty-five new regulations. Look at the data. Bush didn’t roll back anything.

Cohen is simply mistaken. He didn’t ask questions. He just assumed that Republican = deregulation. He didn’t ask if that was actually true.

As an economist, here’s the real doozy:

“The anti-New Deal line is wrong as a matter of economics. F.D.R.’s spending programs did help the economy and created millions of new jobs. The problem, we now know, is not that F.D.R. spent too much priming the pump, but rather that he spent too little. It was his decision to cut back on spending on New Deal programs that brought about a nasty recession in 1937-38.”

Really?

First, the theory. Let’s ask: what was the impact of FDR’s programs? Every dollar spent on them was a dollar that was taken out of the economy, then put back into it. This is not how an economy grows. Growth requires the creation of new wealth, not the redistribution of old wealth.

And the data? One of President Obama’s top advisers, Christina Romer, showed that both the Depression and the 1937-38 dip were largely monetary phenomenons. Not fiscal. Monetary. Look at the data.

What about that fiscal policy? Another economist, Price Fishback, demonstrated that New Deal fiscal policy had almost no net effect on the economy. Again, look at the data.

If one asks questions and looks at the data, one finds that the New Deal did not actually help the economy. Partisan affiliation has nothing to do with it. Neither does public opinion.

Theory and data do. All you have to do is ask them.

Sadly, most media outlets – and their customers – do not want to ask questions. That requires too much thought. Too much effort. Worse, such things can’t fit into soundbites. No, we want people who have answers.

Naomi Klein, Anarchist?

Carl Oberg takes an interesting look into the mind of Naomi Klein.

The main point: it’s all about power.

She doesn’t like it when other people wield it; power corrupts. Klein gets around this problem by taking a page from Plato’s Republic. Just give power to people who think as she does. Then, magically, power won’t corrupt.

The Economist as Sisyphus

President Obama is now claiming that unemployment could climb above 10% without his stimulus program.

This is a weird claim. For every job the stimulus creates, some other job disappears. Suppose one of those jobs pays $50,000 per year. That is $50,000 that taxpayers now do not have to spend. The less they spend, the fewer jobs that their spending can create.

By its very nature, the stimulus cannot create anything, at least on net. It has opportunity costs at least equal to any benefit it has. Add in transaction costs, and the economy stands to worsen from the stimulus. That’s why Obama’s claim is such an strange one.

All this has been said a million times, here and elsewhere. But according to polls, 56% of Americans still don’t get it.

Is it the economist’s job to repeat himself until that figure improves? Or is that a Sisyphean task? Opportunity cost ignorance goes back to at least the Roman Empire. There is no compelling reason to be believe it will ever go away.

Journalism vs. Economics

“[J]ournalism may be the greatest plague we face today — as the world becomes more and more complicated… our minds are trained for more and more simplification.”

-Nassim Taleb, Fooled by Randomness, p. 39.

Most people turn to the television and the newspaper to learn about the world. At the same time, most people don’t have much time to spend consuming news. We have short attention spans. Jobs to go to. Children to raise.

More to the point, a lot of people just don’t care very much. Many journalists — and even more of their consumers — have limited intellectual curiosity. We have better things to do.

This affects the quality of news reporting. The dominant format in print and broadcast media is now the soundbite. It’s short. It’s catchy. You can listen to an entire soundbite on the morning news and still get to work on time. Several of them in fact, on a variety of topics.

But soundbites leave little room for subtlety. For nuance. For shades of gray.

This is a tragedy. Ours is a world full of not just grays, but colors. Vibrant colors, arrayed across an entire spectrum, shining through all of space and all of time. It’s beautiful.

There is little beauty in the harsh, monochrome soundbite. Worse, the soundbite crowds out analysis of anything that takes much longer than a news cycle to materialize. This is the soundbite’s biggest failure. Our world is going through slow but profound changes that a soundbite couldn’t possibly capture.

Take the economy. Because we’re probably in a recession right now, headlines are screaming about economic instability. Volatility. Crashing, churning. A recent CNN/Money article describes “jaw-dropping” market volatility. A Google search of “increasing market volatility” yields 442,000 results.

Journalists should stop screaming. The economy is actually less volatile than it used to be. Don’t take my word for it. Look at the data. Booms are longer now. Recessions are shallower. It’s right there in the data.

But we probably won’t hear about this trend in the news. That’s because it is sixty years in the making. It didn’t happen over a news cycle. It happened over generations.

You’ll hear all about the Dow’s latest ups and downs — down 81 points today, by the way. But here’s something you’ll probably never hear on CNBC or Fox News: the Dow has never had a 15-year period where it lost money. Ever. Including the Great Depression. Your IRA is safe.

If you really want to learn about our world or its economy, listen to the data. They are far more eloquent than any talking head.

Political Science

Over at the New York Times, John Tierney has some excellent analysis of Obama’s choice of John Holdren to be his science advisor.

The Bush administration was often criticized — rightly, I think — for pursuing faith-based science policies. With Holdren as science advisor, it appears this will not change in the new administration. This is to be expected. President Bush is a thoroughly political creature. So is President Obama; you don’t get to be president if you aren’t.

The most important part of the scientific method is its humility. At its very heart is the ability to admit that maybe, just possibly, you could be wrong. If that’s what the evidence shows, then it’s ok to admit it. If you (gasp) don’t know something, that’s ok, too. Instead of just making up an answer, you try to find it out.

The new political science is very different. It replaces humility with Certainty. A large part of the politicized scientist’s job is simply to disagree with the other party. It’s an effective way to raise funding. At least, it is when funding is allocated by political means.

Holdren displays all the hallmarks of The Certainty. For one, he accuses people who disagree with him as being operatives of the other party. Of course they’re wrong, just look at how they vote!

This is not a strong argument. Neither is his primary defense for his party’s preferred global warming policies – the argument from authority. Scientific consensus is on his side. Of course, there once was a time when scientific consensus said that the earth was flat, and the center of the universe. The world as it actually is matters more than merely what people think about it. Millions of people can be wrong, and often are.

But Holdren is Certain. He knows he is right. Scientific consensus is on his side. Just as it was when he and Paul Ehrlich lost that famous bet with Julian Simon. Just as it was when he and others attacked Bjorn Lomborg — who is no Republican — for the crime of dissenting. Tierney notes that Holdren and his co-writers actually “made more mistakes in 11 pages than they were able to find in [Lomborg’s] 540-page book.”

This is faith, not science. President Obama ran on a platform of change. I have no doubt that he will change some things for the better. But his science policies will probably just as faith-based, and just as Certain in the face of contrary evidence, as his predecessor’s.

So it goes.

America to Lurch Left?

The Weekly Standard‘s Fred Barnes has a scare story in today’s Wall Street Journal. He warns of a lurch to the left if Barack Obama wins today’s election. Barnes, a partisan Republican, wrote a book about President Bush in 2006 titled Rebel-in-Chief. He is also a McCain supporter.

Suppose Obama wins, and this lurch to the left happens. Why is Barnes opposed to it? A leftward turn would simply be a continuation of large swaths of Bush administration policy — which Barnes endorses.

True, most people think of President Bush as a conservative, not a liberal. And yes, President Bush is socially conservative and hawkish on foreign policy.

His liberal credentials are still impressive.

For example: President Bush has enacted the largest new entitlement program in forty years; made the tax code more progressive; skyrocketed federal spending on education; overseen 51,000 new regulations to rein in unfettered free markets; transferred billions of dollars from taxpayers to alternative energy researchers; the list goes on.

In short, the federal government, both in spending and in doing, has grown faster under Bush than even Lyndon Johnson could muster. McCain’s limited government credentials are on roughly equal footing.

Barnes and Obama do see things differently on foreign policy and on some social issues. But when it comes to core principles, there is little difference. Barnes, Bush, McCain, and Obama all favor a large, active federal government. Barnes’ distaste for Obama — and support for McCain — is more likely motivated by partisanship than actual philosophical disagreement.

The truth is, no matter who wins, people who favor limited government will probably lose.

Why I’m Not Voting This Year

I used to vote. But I stopped after the 2002 election. I catch a lot of flak for it, too. Friends, family, and co-workers have all taken me to task over the years.

But I have my reasons. Two of them, in fact. The first is simple: I don’t care for either candidate.

The second reason is much more important. Unfortunately, it also rubs a lot of people the wrong way: my vote will not change the outcome of the election. This is true even though I live in a swing state. For all intents and purposes, my vote doesn’t count.

Let’s use Virginia, where I live, as an example. There are currently 5,021,993 registered voters here. Let’s bias the assumptions to make my vote as decisive as possible. Suppose 40% turnout, which is lower than expected. Also suppose that Obama and McCain are polling exactly 50-50 on election day. The election could easily go either way. It’s a coin toss. Would my vote affect the outcome?

There’s a chance it would. And I just calculated it using a formula developed by political scientists Geoffrey Brennan and Loren Lomasky (hat tip to Bryan Caplan‘s Public Finance class). How big is that chance?

(drumroll, please…)

It’s so small, my graphing calculator can’t even display it properly. It gives me a syntax error. That means we’re talking a number smaller than 10 to the -100 power. Basically zero, in other words. Even under the most favorable circumstances.

You can see why I don’t think it matters if I vote.

Unfortunately, more than one person I’ve talked to has assumed that because I don’t vote, then I must think that anyone who does is a fool. That simply isn’t true. A lot of people value participating in democracy highly enough to outweigh the low impact of voting. That is a value judgment, and not to be looked down upon; different people have different values.

All I ask is that you voters out there return the favor and respect the decisions of those of us who don’t vote. We have our reasons, too.

Pesimistic Bias

Last quarter’s economic growth was revised upward to 3.3%. This is fifty percent faster than the hundred-year moving average of 2.2%. What wonderful news.

Or is it? “[T]he outlook for the remainder of the year remained grim,” warns the second sentence of a New York Times article.

Bad reporting is one reason why polling data shows that the public systematically thinks the economy is in worse shape than it actually is. But is it right to blame the Times for simply giving the people what they already want — a cloud to go with their silver lining?

Pessimistic bias is wired into the human brain, it seems. Which makes this writer pessimistic about the state of economic reporting.