Category Archives: Export-Import Bank

Conservatives Should Oppose Ex-Im, Too

Over at CNS News, I argue that conservatives should favor closing the Export-Import Bank, even though President Trump supports the agency:

Finally, an underappreciated point is how Ex-Im can make some U.S. businesses less competitive. When Ex-Im offers favorable financing for a foreign airline to buy a Boeing plane, that airline often directly competes with U.S. airlines such as American, United, or Southwest. Often, Ex-Im can only help one U.S. business by hurting others. Besides being zero-sum, this opens up a fierce lobbying game with predictable ethical consequences. The Trump administration supports Ex-Im as part of its larger trade agenda. In practice, Ex-Im turns out to undermine it.

Read the whole piece here. My recent paper on Ex-Im is here.

Ex-Im Bank Reauthorization: Major Victory against Cronyism, Despite Setback

Nobel laureate economist Ronald Coase wrote in his 1975 essay “Economists and Public Policy” that “An economist who, by his efforts, is able to postpone by a week a government program which wastes $100 million a year (which I would call a modest success) has, by his action, earned his salary for the whole of his life.” By Coase’s measure, the Ex-Im fight that began in 2014 was an enormous success, despite the coming reauthorization setback.

Based on data available in Ex-Im’s annual reports, this fight over a relatively small agency was worth $47.9 billion of dollars in reduced Ex-Im activity from 2014-2018. This reduced taxpayer risk exposure by an average of nearly $12 billion per year. Moreover, this figure assumes Ex-Im activity would have remained constant without the shutdown and board quorum fights of the last five years. Agencies tend to grow, so $47.9 billion in savings is likely an underestimate.

By another measure, the size of Ex-Im’s total portfolio went from $112.3 billion in 2014 to $60.5 billion in 2018, reducing taxpayer exposure by a total of nearly $52 billion, or an average of just under $13 billion per year. If this much in savings can come from temporary activity reductions in one agency, savings from successful permanent reforms of larger agencies could be substantial.

The free-market movement deserves a lot of credit for one of its biggest victories in recent years. Veronique de Rugy at the Mercatus Center, Bryan Riley at the National Taxpayers Union, Daniel Ikenson at the Cato Institute, Diane Katz at the Heritage Foundation, and many others have been tireless in their advocacy against cronyism, and pushing for a pro-market, rather than a pro-business, approach to policy.

While this month’s reauthorization is a setback, there is still a chance to enact some helpful reforms. Moreover, the fight is not over. Ex-Im will also require another reauthorization in a few years’ time, which will be another opportunity to finally end an 85-year old monument to cronyism.

The whole paper is here. For a short summary of the main findings, a press release is here.

Washington Examiner: Close Ex-Im, Two-Year Reauthorization, Tops

The Washington Examiner has an excellent editorial opposing Export-Import Bank reauthorization, citing my recent paper:

Their bill would reauthorize Ex-Im for an unprecedented 10 years. This is a blatant effort to avoid reform and scrutiny from Congress. As the Competitive Enterprise Institute pointed out in a new paper on the Cramer-Sinema bill, “Ex-Im-related legislation would likely almost never appear on the congressional calendar if occasional reauthorization did not require it to.”

It also argues for a two-year reauthorization cycle, rather than 10 years–while noting that closing the bank altogether would be best. Read the whole editorial here.

Ex-Im Reauthorization in Politico

Politico’s Morning Trade newsletter has an item on my Ex-Im paper, which was released today:

EX-IM CRITICS GET VOCAL AS DEADLINE APPROACHES: The Export-Import Bank faces a Sept. 30 deadline for reauthorization and critics are making a push to either shut down the bank or significantly restrain its power. A new paper today from the Competitive Enterprise Institute, a free-market think tank opposed to the bank, argues that allowing the bank to close its doors will save taxpayer money and end cronyism. Supporters of the bank contend that the institution is self-sufficient and helps U.S. exporters remain competitive against foreign rivals.

“The Export-Import Bank should be closed for a number of reasons, including internal corruption, corporate rent-seeking, and economic inefficiency,” CEI’s Ryan Young writes.

Legislation on the table: Despite its objections, CEI acknowledges that bipartisan legislation introduced in July by Sens. Kevin Cramer and Kyrsten Sinema will likely get enough support to pass. The bill would extend the bank’s charter for 10 years, raise the bank’s financial exposure cap to $175 billion over seven years and allow for the creation of a temporary board to lead the agency if the Senate refuses to confirm board members necessary to approve large transactions. CEI argues that the terms of the bill are far too generous, warning that “fortunately, this battle is not over, regardless of how the 2019 reauthorization cycle plays out.”

Read the whole newsletter here.

Study on Export-Import Bank: Repeal Is Best, Other Reforms Can Help

The Export-Import Bank is up for reauthorization by September 30. It should be shut down, as I’ve pointed out before, but reauthorization will almost certainly pass. Ex-Im was either shut down or sharply limited for nearly five years, from October 2014 until May of this year.

Over that time, assuming Ex-Im would have maintained a constant activity level had it not been hampered, taxpayers were spared from $47.9 billion of risk exposure, or an average of nearly $12 billion per year. Ex-Im’s total portfolio also decreased from $112.3 billion in 2014 to $60.5 billion in 2018. This reduced taxpayer exposure by a total of nearly $52 billion, or an average of just under $13 billion per year.

These are big savings, and Congress will almost certainly end them this month. In a new study, while emphasizing that shutting down Ex-Im is the best policy option, I put forward some second-best reforms that would make Ex-Im less problematic until the next reauthorization cycle. These include:

  • Ending the bank’s reinsurance pilot program
  • Cutting the bank’s portfolio cap to $60 billion from $140 billion
  • Maintaining Ex-Im’s board quorum requirement for transactions over $10 million
  • Using the same accounting standards as other federal agencies
  • Instituting a 10 percent cap on what percentage of its business can benefit a single firm
  • Removing its quota for green projects
  • Lowering the definition of a “small business” to 100 employees from the current standard of 1,500 employees

While Ex-Im reauthorization is a setback regardless of any positive reforms it incorporates, incorporating these reforms can limit the cronyism and waste Ex-Im is capable of generating.

The whole study is here. For a short summary of the main findings, a press release is here.

Closing the Ex-Im Bank: Quoted in the Wall Street Journal

James Freeman quotes from my Export-Import Bank paper, due out tomorrow, in his Best of the Web column in The Wall Street Journal:

An Education in Crony Capitalism

The federal government’s Export-Import Bank, which has been proudly subsidizing big business for generations, is likely to be saved by Congress before its authorization expires at the end of the month. But the Competitive Enterprise Institute’s Ryan Young, author of a new paper due out tomorrow, is urging lawmakers to consider the possibilities of slightly smaller government. Mr. Young writes:

The Ex-Im Bank is compromised by internal corruption, constantly pressured by corporations seeking special favors, and creates economic inefficiencies by distorting markets… The Bank recently emerged from a nearly five-year period of reduced activity, which saved taxpayers an astonishing $47.9 billion – an average of $12 billion per year. Shuttering the bank could save Americans billions more.

Freeman’s whole column is here. Since Ex-Im reauthorization is near-certain, the bulk of the paper is on second-best reforms that can limit Ex-Im’s harms until its next reauthorization round. Closing the agency remains the ideal. I’ll post a link when the paper is released.

A Yardstick for Reform

While recently revisiting my old friend the Export-Import Bank, which is up for reauthorization this September, I was reminded of a quote from Nobel laureate Ronald Coase’s 1975 essay “Economists and Public Policy,” which appears on p. 57 of 1995’s Essays on Economics and Economists:

An economist who, by his efforts, is able to postpone by a week a government program which wastes $100 million a year (which I would call a modest success) has, by his action, earned his salary for the whole of his life.

By this measure, the Ex-Im Bank controversy over the last several years was a success, though there is more work to be done. In 2014 the agency’s authorization lapsed for nearly a year, and after that it was limited to small transactions until May 2019. The total savings run into the tens of billions of dollars.

Boeing Pushes 100 Percent Tariffs on Airbus

Boeing, fresh off a victory in restoring the Export-Import Bank’s full lending authority, is floating the idea of a 100 percent tariff on Airbus aircraft and parts. Airbus is Boeing’s largest competitor. There are four factors in play here. The first three are public relations, the opportunity costs of cronyism, and how best to pursue a level playing field in the global economy. The fourth is the likely retaliation such a move would spark.

From a PR standpoint, Boeing wants to move public attention away from its safety issues with the Boeing 737 MAX aircraft. Most of the press Boeing gets for Ex-Im and Airbus tariffs will be negative, and the company knows this. It would still likely prefer that people be upset about those than about its safety problems, which are an existential threat to more than just airline passengers.

To that point, Boeing arguing for an Airbus tariff right now is almost perfect news cycle timing. The China trade dispute and NAFTA/USMCA are hot stories. Just today, President Trump announced a six-month delay on a possible European auto tariff, which will both keep that story alive for a while and give Boeing time to fold an Airbus tariff into a possible action.

Boeing also has a Baptists-and-bootleggers story at the ready. The World Trade Organization ruled, correctly, that Airbus received unfair government subsidies when it launched its A350 and A380 aircraft. Under WTO rules, the U.S. is entitled to retaliate. But just because it can, doesn’t mean it should. An Airbus tariff is highly unlikely to spur needed reform.

This ties into the opportunity costs of cronyism. Boeing puts significant resources into lobbying for Export-Import Bank support, Airbus tariffs, and other preferential policies. All of those resources are not being used to address the 737 MAX safety issues. This might improve a decimal point somewhere in a quarterly earnings report in the short term. But Boeing’s misplaced priorities could cause long-term harm to both aviation safety and Boeing’s own competitiveness. Competing in Washington is not the same thing as competing in the marketplace. Boeing’s investors should be upset at the company’s behavior.

Companies that engage in heavy rent-seeking are less profitable than more market-oriented companies. Even in Boeing’s case, the most profitable years in company history happened when Ex-Im was unable to offer its usual financing.

Which brings up the third point: It is not enough to have a level playing field. That level must be raised, not lowered. Boeing is right that Airbus’ massive government subsidies are unfair. But the way to address the problem is not to copy Europe’s policy mistakes. Don’t sink down to their level, raise them up to ours—though, admittedly, our own level of cronyism has much room for improvement. But reformers must start somewhere.

If anything, Boeing might have an interest in further tying up Airbus in webs of subsidies and favorable regulations—though I would strongly disagree with this strategy. Government protection tends to cause sclerosis in its beneficiaries, and Boeing should be pleased at the long-term implications of Airbus’ comfort. I am not a fan of this zero-sum thinking, but Boeing might be. Even from their self-interested perspective, an Airbus tariff is a bad idea.

Finally, as I pointed out yesterday, tariffs are nearly always met with retaliation, not cooperation. The European Union almost certainly will not change its tune on Airbus subsidies in response to a U.S. tariff—especially in a global market with many non-U.S. customers. Europe will harden its stance, likely at Boeing’s expense.

Given how tense global trade relations currently are, even if Boeing is just blowing PR smoke, this is a bad time to do it. Better for the company to refocus on making safe, innovative products than spending its resources on a political game with no winners.

See also relevant CEI scholarship on trade, the Ex-Im Bank, and the ethics of rent-seeking.

Export-Import Bank Politics

Politico’s Zachary Warmbrodt has an excellent–and thorough–writeup on the current state of Export-Import Bank politics, covering all sides. He also quotes me at the end:

Conservative opponents of the bank are making clear they’ll resist entreaties by McHenry and others to bring them along for reauthorization.

“He’s not going to succeed with us — that’s for sure,” Competitive Enterprise Institute senior fellow Ryan Young said. “We’re standing by our principles.”

I’m a (classical) liberal, not a conservative, but the statement is still true. The more company, the merrier on that front, regardless of party.

Ex-Im Bank Revival?

Next week the Senate is expected to vote on new board members for the Export-Import Bank, which gives favorable financing terms to foreign governments and businesses when they buy U.S. products. This is a bigger deal than it sounds. Ex-Im’s charter requires a quorum of three members to authorize any transactions larger than $10 million. It has lacked that quorum since 2015 due to expiring board member terms. As a result, Ex-Im has been doing just a fraction of the business it used to do. Its financing projects declined from $21 billion in 2014 to $3.6 billion in 2018.

Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Penn.) and other members have been blocking board member confirmation votes in order to keep Ex-Im to returning to its former “Bank of Boeing” status—when Boeing alone accounted for nearly half of its business in most years. A literal top 10 list of large businesses captured as much as 80 percent of Ex-Im largesse before the big 2014-2015 reauthorization and board quorum battle.

The current board quorum fight is the first act in a larger fight. Ex-Im’s charter expires on September 30. If Congress does not reauthorize it, Ex-Im would close its doors to new projects, wind down its portfolio, and then disappear entirely. This nearly happened in the 2014-2015 reauthorization cycle, when Ex-Im’s authorization lapsed for more than six months. It has lacked board quorum for much of the period since.

CEI has signed on to a coalition letter opposing Ex-Im’s reauthorization. We also hope the Senate declines to give the Ex-Im board a quorum. As the Mercatus Center’s Veronique De Rugy and Justin Leventhal point out in a recent study, Boeing and other major Ex-Im beneficiaries are doing just fine without Ex-Im. They have had no trouble finding private financing, and Boeing even set new profitability records.

Total U.S. exports have increased by $266 billion since 2014. The most recent GDP growth and employment rates are both stellar, despite four years of limited Ex-Im activity. Estimated GDP growth was 3.2 percent in fourth quarter 2018, and Friday’s employment report estimated an employment increase of 263,000 jobs and a 3.6 percent unemployment rate.

Given that the prelapsarian was Ex-Im operating at a loss of $2 billion per decade under conventional accounting standards (the Bank uses unconventional methods to show a $14 billion profit instead), it is time to close Ex-Im. Congress can do that simply by doing nothing. It can also limit Ex-Im’s cronyism by doing nothing to vote on new quorum-restoring board members.

For more on the case for closing Ex-Im, see my paper “Ten Reasons to Abolish the Export-Import Bank.”