Category Archives: Economics

How Regulations Cause Inflation

Over at GuerillaEconomics.com, I have a short piece explaining how regulations cause inflation:

Imagine a simplified economy that consists of just two things: 100 dollars and 100 apples, with the price of an apple being one dollar each. If new regulations pass that make it harder to produce apples, the next year there are only 90 apples produced. Their price goes up from $1 to $1.11.

Read the whole thing here.

Unfunded Mandate Reform in the House

This week, the House is considering a dozen reform bills as part of Stop Government Abuse Week. The centerpiece bill, sponsored by Rep. Virginia Foxx, would add transparency to a shady practice called the unfunded mandate. The bill’s full title is the Unfunded Mandates Information and Transparency Act, or UMITA for short, and it will receive a floor vote today. It is expected to pass.

The goal of UMITA is to add teeth to the dentally-challenged Unfunded Mandate Reform Act of 1995 (UMRA), passed in the excitement of the Republican Revolution during the Clinton years.

Unfunded mandates were a problem back then, and they are an even bigger problem today, due in part to Presidents Bush and Obama’s record-setting deficit spending. Why do large deficits drive unfunded mandates? Suppose the federal government wants to enact a new job-training program. If it runs the program itself, it adds to the deficit, and runs the risk of making voters angry. But if it instead requires state governments or private companies administer and pay for the program, the federal balance sheet is unaffected. Unfunded mandates are a sneaky way to grow government.

The old 1995 UMRA bill made for great press conference fodder, but little else. One reason is that an unfunded mandate has to be very expensive before it triggers any UMRA actions. It would have to cost more than $100 million to state and local governments, so a $99 million unfunded mandate could slip through the cracks. Private sector burdens have to reach $146 million before drawing scrutiny.

If a mandate does reach the thresholds, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) investigates and discloses its findings to Congress, which then has the option of striking down the mandate.

The trouble is that few unfunded mandates cost that much; their strength is in numbers rather than in size. And Congress rarely strikes down mandates that do meet the threshold for review. UMRA also exempts disaster aid and national security-related spending.

It gets worse. There are more than 60 federal agencies that issue regulations, but UMRA only covers the 17 cabinet-level agencies. The remaining three quarters of the regulatory state, called independent agencies, are exempt from this basic transparency measure.

Enter the new UMITA bill. It would expand UMRA’s disclosure requirements to cover independent agencies. It would also move mandate review from CBO to the Office of Management and Budget’s Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), which specializes in regulatory review, and is better suited to the task.

UMITA also closes another UMRA loophole. UMRA only applies to rules that enter the rulemaking pipeline via a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM) in the Federal Register. If an agency wants to avoid review of an unfunded mandate, all it has to do is avoid that step of the regulatory process. In that sense, UMRA actually reduces transparency. UMITA would fix that by making all rules subject to review, regardless of whether agencies skip the NPRM.

UMITA is not an earth-shaking reform, but it would improve transparency in both government spending and the regulatory process. Wayne Crews and I wrote about UMITA in 2012 here, and The Hill wrote about the bill here.

Suing the IRS – And Winning

Proving that sometimes good guys can win, our friends at the Institute for Justice are celebrating a big win against the IRS. In a move supported by large, established tax preparation firms, the IRS tried to require all tax preparers to get licenses. The licenses, along with other requirements such as annual continuing education courses, would raise costs for smaller firms and put many individual preparers out of business entirely; one sees why large firms would welcome the extra burden. They would face less competition. IJ sued to put a stop to his perfidy and preserve a more open competitive process.

A few years ago, before IJ filed its lawsuit, now-CEI Adjunct Scholar Caleb Brown and I co-authored an op-ed warning why mandatory tax preparer licenses are a bad idea:

Since the IRS has the power to revoke registrations, tax preparers will have to be careful not to advocate too aggressively for their clients. Besides this chilling effect, mandatory registration reduces consumer choice.

There are at least 600,000 unregistered preparers. Many of them are retirees. Others have jobs, but prepare taxes on the side to help make ends meet. Still others are volunteers. They give their services for free to people who can’t afford a tax preparer. How many will give up, rather than jump through the proposed regulatory hoops?

The IRS estimates the total cost of the new regulations at $48.5 million, plus 1.71 million hours of paperwork and record-keeping burdens. That’s equivalent to 855 full-time jobs — and not the kind that will spark an economic recovery.

Read the whole piece here. Read more about IJ’s victory here, and see a short video they produced about the case here.

The Kronies

John Papola strikes again with a brilliant bit of satire. Click here if the embedded video below doesn’t work, and the full Kronies website is here.

OC Register on Yellen as Fed Chair

I didn’t see this until today, but earlier this month the Orange County Register was kind enough to cite me in an editorial about Janet Yellen shortly after her confirmation vote.

State of the Union: Economic Band-Aids for Poverty and Unemployment

One of progressivism’s most admirable traits is its concern for the little guy. But many progressive policies for alleviating poverty, unemployment, and other social problems don’t work as advertised. This is because those policies often focus only on the desired outcome, and ignore the deeper processes that ultimately generate those outcomes. This misplaced focus was on full display in President Obama’s State of the Union speech.

This is a subtle point that would benefit from an analogy. Suppose, while slicing vegetables, that you accidentally cut your finger. The sensible thing to do is put on a band-aid. But in the long run, you are far better off knowing and practicing proper knife safety. The band-aid eases the immediate problem. But if you focus on the long-term process of safety, you are far less likely to get hurt in the first place.

Now apply this thinking to the President’s call for passing the $10.10 federal minimum wage bill currently winding its way through Congress. A lot of people aren’t making very much money. The obvious thing to do is legislate a raise for them. Pass it! Some people will clearly benefit; no doubt many of them will appear at press conferences if the increase is enacted. But there is a tradeoff. Those raises are offset by reduced hours and even firings for other people.

There is also an unseen cost to the minimum wage: workers who are never hired in the first place. These minimum wage casualties cannot be trotted out in front of cameras because we don’t know who they are. But we do know that they exist. They are mostly young, and they are disproportionately minorities. These workers lack experience and skills because they haven’t lived long enough to gain them yet. It may not be worth it to pay an employee at that skill and experience level $10.10 per hour.

Pricing people out of employment prevents them from getting the experience they need to get higher-paying jobs later in life. It makes the old paradox even more painful: without experience, you can’t get the job, but without the job, you can’t get experience.

The chase after an end result—higher wages for low-skilled workers—ignores the larger social processes at work in the economy. In the long run, wages are tied to productivity. The more a worker produces, the more his services are worth to his employer. Instead of mandating higher wages, a process-oriented reformer emphasizes policies that allow workers to be more productive.

A deregulatory stimulus along the lines of what Wayne Crews and I have been proposing for some time would do nicely; workers would spend less time complying with rules and more time being productive, and thus better paid. It would also remove obstacles to innovation and technological advance that are the long-run drivers of increasing productivity and wealth creation. When that process is blocked, wages stagnate.

Unfortunately, the topic of regulation did not come up even once during the entire speech. Hopefully this does not reflect the administration’s priorities.

The same outcome-over-process oversight is in the President’s proposal to extend–restore, in his words–unemployment benefits. If someone loses their job, the obvious thing to do is to give them a helping hand while they look for a new job. But again, unemployment insurance has tradeoffs that at least offset the advantages.

People respond to incentives. And unemployment benefits reduce one’s incentive to look for a job. They allow some people to wallow in discouragement longer than they otherwise would. Other people decide that receiving benefits can let them wait until a higher-paying job opens up, instead of having to take an available, if unappealing job right away. The result is unnaturally high unemployment. This is not the policy’s intention, but it is very much its result.

More effective policies would make the hiring process easier. Reducing compliance burdens would reduce the regulatory friction scraping against otherwise-promising new hires.

As companies grow, more and more rules affect them. When a company reaches 4 employees, it becomes subject to the Immigration Reform Act and its associated paperwork. At 15 employees, the Americans with Disabilities Act comes into play, and the Family and Medical Leave Act announces its presence at 50 employees. There are many others.

Many companies stop hiring when they come up against these thresholds, because they can’t afford them. Reducing these burdens would do far more to ease the sting of unemployment than extending unemployment benefits.

As in past years, the President used Tuesday’s State of the Union speech to describe the equivalent of band-aids for injury-prone cooks. But he seems unaware that the long-run process of practicing kitchen safety is what it takes to ultimately reduce the amount of culinary casualties. As in the kitchen, so in the economy.

New Study on Unemployment Benefits

The Washington Free Beacon quotes me on a new study about how unemployment benefits affect the unemployment rate. The article is here, and the study is here.

Public Choice and the Mediocrity of the Social Sciences

One of the foundational principles of economics is that people respond to incentives. In his book The Organization of Inquiry, Gordon Tullock applies that lesson to the scientific process. On page 154, he shows why most social scientists are timid creatures who would rather affirm popular prejudices than make bold new discoveries:

We have already discussed the tendency of researchers in the social sciences to avoid dangerous issues, to confine their investigations to “safe” subjects and “safe” conclusions. The bulk of the money available for “inducing” such research comes either from essentially charitable endowments or from government organizations (universities, of course, partake of both) and is likely to become unavailable to a man who annoys people with his discoveries. As a result, the students in this field have a strong tendency to devote large amounts of effort to “confirming” popular opinions.

Downsizing the Federal Government

You may have seen Cato’s excellent Downsizing the Federal Government project. They have just produced a series of quick-hit videos, each just a few minutes long, going over various federal departments’ excesses and offering reforms that would bring them back to earth—or abolish them outright. Each one is well worth watching:

Department of Agriculture

Department of Education

Health and Human Services

Department of Energy

Department of Labor

Schumpeter on Public Choice

Joseph Schumpeter is best known for his theory of creative destruction and his overarching emphasis on economic change and dynamism. But he also knew a bit about human nature. While the public choice movement didn’t get started until after his 1950 death, Schumpeter had enough common sense to prefigure its view of politics without romance. He shows this in the final footnote on page 433 of his posthumously published History of Economic Analysis:

[T]he state (government, politicians, and bureaucrats) is not something to philosophize on or to adore but something to be analyzed as realistically as we analyze, e.g., any industry.

This is a wise insight that more analysts would do well to take to heart.