Category Archives: Economics

New York State Mulling Minimum Wage Increase

A few weeks ago, the New York Times ran an article asking, “It’s Summer, but Where Are the Teenage Workers?” It’s a good question:

Since 2000, the share of 16- to 19-year-olds who are working has plummeted by 40 percent, with fewer than a third of American teenagers in a job last summer. Their share of the overall work force has never been this low, and about 1.1 million of them would like a job but can’t find one, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

The next paragraph begins, “Experts are struggling to figure out exactly why.” Over the course of more than 1,300 words, the article doesn’t once mention a major culprit: the minimum wage.

The article even features a chart showing a pronounced decrease in teen employment closely tracking the most recent federal minimum wage increase, which phased in from $5.15 to $7.25 from 2007 to 2009. The start of the increase and its impact on teen employment began before the financial crisis made job-hunting more difficult for everyone else, too. In recent years, some cities and states have begun raising their local minimum wages above the federal minimum, helping to keep teen employment at historically low levels.

The Times should look into commissioning a follow-up story for next summer, because the paper is now reporting that New York State is considering implementing a$15 hourly minimum wage for fast food restaurant chains, which heavily employ teens. Increasingly, they are also “employing” automated kiosks.

New York State currently has a statewide $8.75 minimum wage. If the state legislature were to adopt the study committee’s recommendations, the $15 minimum wage would phase in through 2021 throughout the state, and 2018 in New York City, where living costs are higher.

The increase would not affect restaurants with fewer than 30 locations, or other teen-heavy employers, such as retailers.

That means it would disemploy fewer people than would a blanket increase. But while some teens will get hefty raises, othes will be unable to find a job at all.

Advocates of the increase should look not just at the beneficiaries, but at the people it would hurt, too. As Henry Hazlitt points out in Economics in One Lesson:

The art of economics consists… in tracing the consequences of that policy not merely for one group but for all groups.

Iain Murray and I compiled a few other possible unintended consequences of minimum wage increases:

Workers are fired, hours are cut, jobs are not created, non-wage perks, including insurance, free parking, free meals, and vacation days evaporate, annual bonuses shrink, prices rise, (squeezing minimum wage earners themselves), big businesses gain an artificial competitive advantage over their smaller competitors, and crime rates rise. It is a bleak litany.

Many willing workers could be denied a chance to get that first job that could help them gain the experience and skills they need to start to climb up the economic ladder. It’s a lesson more well-meaning people need to learn if they are to reduce poverty outright, rather than help some at the cost of hurting others.

Dodd-Frank Is Five Years Old

On July 21, 2010, Congress passed the Dodd-Frank financial regulation bill. Today, that bill turns five. It is not a happy anniversary.

As CEI’s John Berlau points out in a new paper, Dodd-Frank has actually reduced competition in the financial sector. By codifying too-big-to-fail and adding in price controls and other regulatory hoops—27,669 total regulatory restrictions and counting—Dodd-Frank insulates incumbent banks from pesky upstart competitors. In fact, in the last five years, precisely one new bank has opened for business. This stagnation is not healthy for innovation or for competition—or for capital-hungry entrepreneurs throughout the economy.

A few other Dodd-Frank facts worth pondering:

  • The original bill text is 848 pages long. The edition of Herman Melville’s Moby Dick on my bookshelf is 602 pages long.
  • Dodd-Frank requires regulatory agencies to issue 398 regulations. Five years later, many of them have yet to be issued. Hopefully they stay that way.
  • Since each of those regulations contain multiple regulatory restrictions (some of the rules are hundreds of pages long and are extremely detailed), the actual number of regulatory restrictions Dodd-Frank enacts could eventually top 40,000, or even 50,000. Nobody knows yet.
  • Its price controls on debit card interchange fees have raised the cost of banking for small businesses and the poor (See Iain Murray’s new paper).
  • Dodd-Frank does not address the root causes of the 2008 financial crisis—banks took on too much risk, especially in the housing sector. Instead, by codifying government bailouts for major financial institutions, Dodd-Frank reduces incentives for financial institutions to keep their risk at manageable levels. Whatever its stated intentions, Dodd-Frank potentially sets the stage for another financial crisis and more bailouts.

For more, see John’s extensive Dodd-Frank research.

From the Archives: Technology and Jobs

While cleaning out some of my old archives, I found a letter my colleague Ryan Radia and I sent to the New York Times in 2010. I don’t believe it was published, so I share it now:

Editor, New York Times:

Catherine Rampell’s September 7 article “Once a Dynamo, the Tech Sector Is Slow to Hire,” mourns the decline of data processing jobs. Much of the decline is due to automation of previously tedious tasks.

May we suggest one way to get those jobs back: ban the use of computers for data processing. Imagine how much information flows through today’s global economy in an average day. Computers handle most of the load. That takes away millions of jobs.

The effects would reverberate far beyond the tech sector. The paper, pen, and pencil industries would boom.

Companies are dead-set on doing more with less. True, that creates more jobs in the long run by freeing up resources — and employees — for new opportunities. But if only they would consider doing less with more, they could create more data processing jobs.

Ryan Young and Ryan Radia
Competitive Enterprise Institute
Washington, D.C.

The great economist Joseph Schumpeter coined the term “creative destruction” to describe entrepreneurs’ ongoing quest to do more with less, rather than the opposite.

Ex-Im Is Expired: Now What?

Two weeks ago, the Export-Import Bank’s authorization lapsed. The agency remains open, but is not allowed to consider new loans or other projects. It may only maintain its existing portfolio, which will wind down over a period of several years.

In an op-ed over at Inside Sources, I take a look at what’s next for Ex-Im:

Rarely does a federal agency shut its doors — the Civil Aeronautics Board closed in 1985, and the Interstate Commerce Commission followed suit in 1995, but that’s about it. Twenty years later, will Ex-Im add its name to this short list? What will happen then? Should the agency be revived?

The short answers are that nobody knows if it will actually close, not much will happen in the short run either way, and the agency should not be revived.

In the time since I wrote the piece, it’s begun to look like Ex-Im reauthorization will be folded into the big highway bill Congress will consider later this month, but nothing is concrete yet.

Read the whole thing here.

More to Markets than Wealth

From p. 92 of James Buchanan’s 2005 essay collection Why I, Too, Am Not a Conservative:

I have often noted how much better it would have been had Adam Smith entitled his treatise ‘the simple system of natural liberty’ rather than The Wealth of Nations, since his very title called direct attention to the aggregate of value generated, despite Smith’s intent and purpose.

Adam Smith’s intent and purpose, of course, was to describe and defend what he called the simple system of natural liberty. The fact that this system enables efficient wealth creation is a good thing, but a second-order benefit.

Buchanan’s intent and purpose is point out that, like Smith’s choice of title, many classical liberals only care about the wealth aspects of markets. This focus is a mistake. Markets’ virtues run far deeper, in a way that can resonate deeply with people of nearly all philosophical persuasions.

This is because market orders are almost completely subjective. Different people have different preferences, and want different things. Because markets treat people as equals, very different people are free to cooperate and exchange with each other however they want, so long as they respect others’ equal rights to do the same. That way you can get the bundle of goods you want, I can get the very different bundle of goods I want, and so on.

Compare this to an election where your choice is between one politician with one bundle of policies, or his opponent with a second bundle of policies. You can’t pick and choose the positions you like from each candidate, and discard the ones from each that you don’t. It’s an all-or-nothing deal.

Markets are more than wealth creation engines. They are dignity creation engines. You can choose how you eat, dress, live, work, and play in a way that top-down systems cannot, or will not, provide. Politics doesn’t work that way, but markets can, when they’re allowed to.

This, Buchanan argues, is markets’ true appeal. The fact that so many classical liberals focus instead on efficiency is as poor a salesmanship job as he saw in his long lifetime.

In a way, it is classical liberals’ own fault their views are unpopular.

Toddlers and Intellectuals

From Vernon Smith‘s 2008 book Discovery: A Memoir, pp. 15-16:

[A]ny three-year old can force you to the outer-most limits of your knowledge on any topic by asking, “Why?” three times in response to any answer.

Vernon  truly knows what intellectual humility is, along with a few others including Montaigne, Voltaire, Bastiat, Hayek, and Buchanan. It’s a shame their club is so small. Economics, especially, would be in a much better place if more of its practitioners realized that their most painstakingly constructed intellectual edifices can be dismantled in minutes by a toddler.

Five Reasons to Abolish Ex-Im

ex-im-2

I meant to post this here earlier, but my CEI colleagues recently put together some excellent Ex-Im graphics explaining why the agency should close.

See them all here.

Ex-Im Has Officially Expired

ex-im authority has lapsed

Today is a victory day of sorts. Ex-Im’s charter has expired, and Congress declined to reauthorize it. The agency will remain open and will service its existing loan guarantees, but cannot make new ones. As of this writing, its website also says “authority has lapsed” in big capital letters (see picture above).

This victory was a team effort all the way. Over at the Cato Institute blog, Dan Ikenson celebrates (cross-posted at the Foundation for Economic Education) and gives kudos to a lot of the team’s key players. I am honored that he lists me among them.

This fight is far from over, but today marks an important milestone. More to say on that soon.

Reasons to Oppose the Ex-Im Bank, Part 4: False Economic Catastrophism

The Export-Import Bank’s charter expires on June 30. This series of posts makes the case for closing Ex-Im, one argument at a time. See also parts 1, 2, and 3.

General Electric CEO Jeffrey Immelt is claiming that closing the Export-Import Bank would mean “economic catastrophe.” He must use the term differently than most people do. A bit of math shows why.

According to page 6 of Ex-Im’s 2014 annual report, the bank did $27.5 billion of business in 2014. The Bureau of Economic Analysis estimates GDP in the fourth quarter of 2014 to be $17.7037 trillion (see Table 3, page 8). This means Ex-Im’s business last year was equivalent to about one sixth of one percent of GDP. This is par for the course.

Confining the comparison just to America’s $2.35 trillion of exports, everything Ex-Im did all of last year is equivalent to less than 1.2 percent of exports. Seeing as many Ex-Im-financed projects would still happen without the bank’s involvement including GE, by Immelt’s own admission—its true net impact is almost certainly much smaller than that.

If anything, by redirecting billions of dollars of capital towards the politically connected and away from deserving entrepreneurs, Ex-Im is preventing the economy from reaching its true potential.

Reasons to Oppose the Ex-Im Bank, Part 3: It Favors Big Business

The Export-Import Bank’s charter expires on June 30. This series of posts makes the case for closing Ex-Im, one argument at a time. See also parts 1 and 2.

Ex-Im officials claim the vast majority of its lending activities go to smaller businesses. This is true by number of loans—in 2013, 2,160 out of 2,775 businesses receiving Ex-Im financing were small businesses, or just more than 78 percent. But Ex-Im’s claim is false by the more important metric of dollar value of loans. In most years, more than 80 percent of Ex-Im financing, measured in dollars, goes to big firms. Also worth noting: Ex-Im’s in-house definition of “small business” covers firms with up to 1,500 employees.

Ex-Im’s charter states “the Bank shall make available, from the aggregate loan, guarantee, and insurance authority available to it, an amount to finance exports directly by small business concerns … which shall be not less than 20 percent of such authority for each fiscal year.”

Small business’ actual share of Ex-Im financing has failed to meet that 20 percent threshold in 2011 (18.45 percent), 2012 (17.11 percent), and 2013 (18.96 percent). 2014 was the first year Ex-Im met that threshold since at least 2010.

Small business advocates who favor keeping or expanding Ex-Im should note that Ex-Im gives financing to approximately one in 10,000 small businesses. Considering approximately 20 other agencies give subsidies to small business, Ex-Im’s closure would have very little effect on the amount of subsidies small businesses receive. Most of its closure’s impact would be felt by its top ten beneficiaries, all of which are large companies by anyone’s definition of the term.