Category Archives: Economics

What Inflation Is, and What It Isn’t

It looks like we’re in for a bit of inflation. After decades of stable 2 percent inflation, the latest indicators say it’s moving up to about 4 percent. While fears of Carter-era stagflation are overblown, even a modest jump in inflation would be harmful. The warning signs are clear, and policy makers should act to avoid it. They probably won’t. Even so, a lot of people need to chill out on their inflation fearmongering.

We’re not going to become Argentina or Zimbabwe. We’re not even going back to the 1970s, when inflation was in the double digits. Part of the confusion is that many people seem to be confused about what inflation is, and what it isn’t. This post will try to clarify that in plain English.

The late Nobel laureate economist Milton Friedman famously said that “inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon.” That means inflation has to do with money itself. When the money supply changes, but the amount of actual goods and services doesn’t, the price level changes. This can happen when the government prints more dollars, adjusts interest rates on loans, and engages in heavy deficit spending.

Other types of price changes are not inflation. The recent hike in gas prices following the Colonial Pipeline hack was not inflation. That was supply and demand. The supply of gas was cut off, so its price went up. Since this didn’t involve the supply of money itself, it wasn’t inflation.

Computers are another example of non-inflation price changes. Most people are familiar with Moore’s Law, which states that computing power at a given price doubles every two years or so. On paper, this continual price drop looks like deflation. It is not. The price is going down because of technological improvements. Money supply has nothing to do with it. Again, if a price change isn’t monetary, it isn’t inflation.

Some of this confusion is baked into the indicators we use to measure inflation, such as the Consumer Price Index) and the Personal Consumption Expenditures Price Index. These take a basket of common goods and track their prices over time. While this is good for tracking overall price changes, they can’t precisely suss out how much of those price changes are due to monetary factors like deficit spending or dollar printing, versus how much is caused by non-monetary factors, like broken pipelines or technological progress. These indicators are useful and can give us a general idea of what is happening. But they are not perfect, and most economists believe they overstate inflation.

Many people are worrying about gas price increases as a harbinger of inflation. There is a psychological reason for this—for a lot of people, the oil price shocks of the inflationary 1970s are within living memory. Today’s shocks are bringing back some bad memories, and it is natural to make that association. But if it isn’t monetary, it isn’t inflation. The recent price shock was a supply and demand shock.

The rapid gas price increase also comes after people had gotten used to enjoying a year of low gas prices due to the pandemic. Coming up from a lower baseline makes a sharp increase feel even sharper. But again, this price change wasn’t monetary. People weren’t driving as much during lockdowns, so demand for gas was down. Money supply had nothing to do with it.

People shouldn’t be so jumpy, though it’s understandable that they would be. While 4 percent inflation is not cause for alarm, it will still cause harm. Inflation is a regressive tax that hits everyone, but especially the poor. When your dollars buy less for reasons having nothing to do with supply and demand, that is unfair—especially if you are already having trouble making ends meet.

Inflation also causes long-term harm. Prices are information signals. Even if people had no idea the Colonial Pipeline had been hacked, seeing a $16 per gallon price told them to buy less gas, and save supply for people who really need it. The hoarders the Internet has been making fun of are the exception, not the rule. Some of the images are also fakes.

Inflation messes with those signals. When a fake price signal tells people to buy one good instead of another, businesses will shift resources to meet that fake demand. That leaves everyone worse off—consumers and businesses alike. When people make long-term investment decisions based on faulty signals, the result is malinvestment—and fewer resources available for good investments.

How can policy makers keep inflation in check? One way is to spend less. When government engages in deficit spending, it increases the money supply. Part of the cost of the trillions of dollars of stimulus and infrastructure spending will be extra inflation—not enough to bring back bellbottom jeans, but enough to cause some harm.

Unfortunately, neither party is interested in spending restraint. Fortunately, even a $2 trillion infrastructure bill, if spread out over 10 years, will not have a major inflationary effect on an economy that is expected to produce more than $200 trillion over that time. It might be enough to add 1/10th of a percentage point or two to inflation, depending on how other factors play out. But it is not enough to cripple the price system.

Another way to keep inflation in check is through the Federal Reserve. The best policy for the Fed would be to adopt a strict rule like the Taylor rule or Nominal GDP targeting. These work by giving the Fed set instructions on how to respond to economic conditions. A simplified version of how these rules work is that if the economy grows by a certain amount, the Fed increases money supply by a certain matching amount specified by the rule.

This would accomplish two things. First, it would keep the level of inflation relatively low. All else being equal, a lower inflation rate is better than a higher one.

Second, sticking to a rule would keep inflation predictable. That is more important. If inflation is stable, it can’t do very much harm, even if it is relatively high. People can plan around steady inflation by factoring it into interest rates and cost-of-living pay increases. But if inflation is jumping all over the place, how can a small business taking out a 10-year loan calculate a fair interest rate?

While the Fed is unlikely to adopt a formal rule, it can at least resist political pressure to mess with inflation levels on election-minded politicians’ changing whims.

The recent news about inflation is not good, but it is also not apocalyptic. While inflation and monetary policy are a lot more detailed than described here, even a little bit of knowledge can show that while people should keep an eye on the new inflation, they also do not need to panic.

In the News: Inflation

I was recently quoted in a Center Square article about the recent uptick in inflation. Also quoted in the article is George Selgin, who unlike me is one of the top monetary economists in the country.

Read the whole thing here.

One of Google’s Antitrust Cases Dismissed, for Now

A District judge on Thursday dismissed a private antitrust case against Google brought by a group of advertisers. It does not affect separate cases brought by state attorneys general and the federal Department of Justice.

The dismissal is rooted in the relevant market fallacy. Essentially, the advertisers’ lawyers defined Google’s relevant market too narrowly, which leaves out important details. As the judge writes, “The Court is particularly concerned that Plaintiffs’ market excludes social media display advertising and direct negotiations.”

Essentially, the attorneys argued that Google has a monopoly over Google ads. This is true, in the same way that Ford has a monopoly over Ford-branded cars. But just as car buyers can easily buy a Toyota or a Chevy despite this monopoly, advertisers can easily turn to other options, both online and in print.

The plaintiff’s lawyers until June 14 to revise and resubmit their lawsuit with a more realistic definition of Google’s relevant market.

The other antitrust complaints against Google commit their own versions of the relevant market fallacy, as I’ve noted before:

Google’s relevant market is larger than a traditional search engine page. Every Uber ride involves an Internet search to pair riders and drivers. These searches do not use a Google algorithm, and would not work if their customers’ information was “being concentrated in one company.” Netflix, Hulu, and Spotify searches do not use Google. Nor do dating sites, which compete with each other based on proprietary search algorithms, as do many other popular search-based Internet services.

The relevant market fallacy also applies to allegations of anti-conservative bias against Google. If Google acquires even the reputation of serving unreliable search results, consumers can turn to competing options by simply typing a web address into their browser. And the relevant competitive market, as noted above, is not limited to search engines. News aggregators, consumer review sites, and other relevant content sites are legion, and easy to find, even for relatively uninformed users.

I call this the dozen keystrokes argument, because that’s roughly how difficult it is to type in another website’s address.

It will be months before court dates are set in any of the Google antitrust suits. They are still in the process of deciding relevant market definitions for the purposes of the cases. As we’ve seen, plaintiffs often try to bias antitrust cases in their favor by suggesting unrealistically narrow market definitions. It is good that at least one judge is wise to this semantic trick.

On the Radio: Apple’s EU Antitrust Case

On Friday, I discussed the EU’s new antitrust case against Apple on the Lars Larson show. Audio is here.

EU Antitrust Action Against Apple – Bad for Trade, Bad for Consumers

This press release was originally posted at cei.org.

The EU Commission declared today that “Apple has a monopoly” in the distribution of music streaming apps to owners of Apple devices, the upshot of an antitrust investigation launched last year against the App Store and triggered by a complaint filed by streaming music company Spotify. CEI experts criticized the EU for what will be a poor outcome for consumers, entrepreneurs, and trade.

Ryan Young, CEI trade policy expert

“Antitrust policy can be a form of trade protectionism, similar to tariffs. Europe’s tech industry has long lagged behind America’s, largely due to the EU’s stifling regulatory climate. The EU could boost its tech industry by reforming its own bad policies, such as its corporate subsidies and overly risk-averse regulatory approach. Instead, it is trying to boost Europe-based Spotify by taking U.S.-based Apple to court.

“It is better to build up than to tear down. Europe has plenty of talented innovators and plenty of capital to fund them. The EU would better help consumers and businesses by letting its entrepreneurs innovate, rather than suing foreign competitors.”

Jessica Melugin, CEI technology policy expert

“Apple’s fees are in line with or less than the global industry standard, and Spotify has benefited greatly from the App Store’s distribution network. Spotify chose to offer its product through the App Store and now is crying to regulators in the EU and US for them to intervene and change the rules. Apparently, corporate cronyism is at home on both continents.”

Related analysis: Terrible Tech 2.0: The Most Burdensome, Anti-Consumer Technology Policy Proposals in Washington

In the News: Hawley’s Antitrust Bill

A Fox News writeup of Sen. Josh Hawley’s newest antitrust bill quotes my colleague Jessica Melugin and me:

“[H]is claims that the industry, ‘hasn’t been a success … for the American economy,’ don’t ring true for so many Americans that are employed by or invested in these economic powerhouses, not to mention the millions of consumers who enjoy tech products,” Jessica Melugin, the director of the Competitive Enterprise Institute’s (CEI) Center for Technology and Innovation, said of Hawley’s merger-banning legislation. 

CEI Senior Fellow Ryan Young called Hawley’s broader anti-tech efforts “feel-good populism” that is “just another culture war issue.”

Read the whole thing here.

Hawley Antitrust Plan Would Limit Innovation and Harm Consumers

This news release was originally posted at cei.org.

Senator Josh Hawley (R-MO) today touted a new proposal he calls a “trust busting plan” that calls for a new standard for antitrust intervention to replace the legal principle of consumer harm. While the plan is not accompanied by specific legislation, Competitive Enterprise Institute experts weighed in on the Senator’s proposal.

Director of CEI’s Center for Technology and Innovation Jessica Melugin said:

“Senator Hawley claims that allowing the tech industry to operate in a relatively free market ‘hasn’t been a success for the American consumer,’ but if there’s consumer harm to point to, why does he advocate for abandoning the consumer harm standard in U.S. antitrust law? Perhaps it’s because consumers have enjoyed consistent innovations in products and services from ‘big tech,’ especially while quarantining during the pandemic and often at no monetary cost to them.  Similarly, his claims that the industry, ‘hasn’t been a success…for the American economy,’ don’t ring true for so many Americans that are employed by or invested in these economic powerhouses, not to mention the millions of consumers who enjoy tech products.”

Senior Fellow Ryan Young said:

“One of the most problematic parts of Sen. Hawley’s antitrust plan is its proposed ban of mergers and acquisitions for companies larger than $100 billion in annual revenues. Startups need capital to compete in the big leagues. But financial regulations, especially in the post-Dodd-Frank era, make it difficult for smaller companies to hold IPOs or attract other forms of investment. So, they instead get their capital by being bought out by one of the big tech companies.

“The regulatory situation is so bad that many promising startups are founded with the explicit goal of selling out to a bigger company. If Sen. Hawley wants fewer acquisitions by big companies, he should focus on the root cause of bad financial regulations, rather than the feel-good populism of banning mergers and acquisitions.

“Then again, the feel-good populism is likely the point. Hawley’s proposal is unlikely to become law. For him, antitrust policy is just another culture war issue. He wants to fire up his base and provoke his opponents. In this sense, his antitrust proposal is no different than his similarly unserious proposals to ban infinite scrolling in social media apps and to have the federal government regulate political speech.”

For more information on CEI’s position on antitrust, please visit cei.org/antitrust.

More on the Corporate Tax

Andrew Stuttaford, who edits National Review‘s policy-focused Capital Matters section, has a writeup in his daily newsletter on the consequences of a corporate tax increase, in which he quotes from my recent piece that ran on his site. Andrew’s analysis is excellent, and detailed.

The Washington Examiner‘s Sarah Westwood quotes me in an article about the proposed increase.

The Dispatch, an outlet founded by Jonah Goldberg to offer a less tribal voice for the right than the Trump-centered outlets, was also nice enough to draw from my National Review piece in their daily newsletter (scroll down to the “worth your time” section”.

I also discussed corporate taxes on the Rod Arquette show in Salt Lake City. I’ll post a link to the audio if I find one.

Who Pays Corporate Taxes?

Congress is considering increasing the corporate tax rate from 21 percent to 28 percent to help pay for the big infrastructure bill it is currently assembling. Over at National Review, I point out that corporations don’t actually pay corporate tax. You and I do:

That is because companies pass on their costs. Some of the tax is paid by consumers, who pay higher prices. Company employees pay some of the tax through lower wages. And investors’ retirement accounts pay some of the tax through lower returns.

There is also an often overlooked rent-seeking story behind Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen’s proposal for a global minimum corporate tax rate:

It is not difficult to imagine a U.S. company lobbying heavily to raise its rivals’ taxes in lower-tax countries. This would make the U.S. company more competitive, but in strictly relative terms. Such a lobbying win could aid a company without it having to do the hard work of improving its products or offering consumers better deals.

At the same time, though, foreign companies could lobby to raise U.S. corporate-tax rates for similar reasons. Why bother improving your own company when you can just hurt your rivals instead? That is the real race to the bottom.

A global minimum corporate tax rate turns out to be a form of hidden trade protectionism.

Read the whole thing here.

U.S. Trade Representative Tai Should Rethink Keeping China Tariffs in Place

Over the weekend, The Wall Street Journal interviewed Katherine Tai, the new United States Trade Representative. She has a lot of work ahead of her to undo the damage from the Trump administration’s protectionist turn. But she made two disappointing remarks about the approach she plans to take on the tariffs Trump placed on Chinese goods worth $377 billion per year. These can be undone at any time by either Congress or the stroke of President Biden’s pen.

First, as she told the Journal:

“I have heard people say, ‘Please just take these tariffs off,’” Ms. Tai said. But “yanking off tariffs,” she warned, could harm the economy unless the change is “communicated in a way so that the actors in the economy can make adjustments.”

The top trade policy priority right now should be to prevent normalizing President Trump’s trade policies. He doubled U.S. tariffs in one term, in unpredictable fashion. That was the radical change that made planning difficult. Restoring tariffs to where they already were for a long time would be far better for giving businesses something to plan around.

Tai has this argument backwards, and with poor timing. Businesses are struggling to recover from the COVID slowdown. Lowering tariffs would provide an economic stimulus that requires no new spending. Economics aside, the politics of undoing Trump’s China tariff are also positive. It sends a message of moving on, and a responsiveness to consumers, businesses, and economic realities.

Her second disappointing remark is about leverage:

The negotiator also cited tactical reasons for her reluctance.

“No negotiator walks away from leverage, right?” she said.

Tariffs do not give the U.S. any leverage, so there is none to walk away from by repealing them. Their purpose was to get China to reform its unfair trade policies, which is the right goal, but tariffs never had a chance of achieving it. The first round sparked no reforms, only retaliation. Trump enacted a second round and got the same result. On it went, and now three quarters of China’s exports to America are tariffed, there are retaliatory tariffs on the same proportion of American exports to China, and Beijing has not made a single notable reform.

True, withdrawing tariffs would also fail to convince China to reform, but that does not justify keeping them or trying to use them as leverage. Tariffs simply do not work with Beijing as a negotiating tactic. They are like trying to use a hammer as scissors. They are the wrong tool for the job. When a strategy fails, the right thing to do is admit it and try something else.

There is a lot the U.S. can do to help along Chinese reform. We now know tariffs are not part of the list. There is also no silver bullet. Pundits and voters hate hearing this, but it’s true. Pretending that there is a silver bullet in order to appeal to them will do no good. Change in China must ultimately come from within, but there is still a lot the U.S. can do to help. It takes a multifaceted strategy that is more subtle than tariffs, and gets less media coverage than summits or negotiations.

Continued economic, intellectual, and cultural engagement with China will let ordinary Chinese people see how much richer and freer liberal policies are. Walls don’t work, but bridges, windows, and conversations do. This is a slow, bottom-up process that is difficult to measure with statistics.

But just as blue jeans, underground rock music, and American movies helped to win the Cold War, today’s equivalents can help ordinary Chinese people see the connection between liberalism, markets, and prosperity—and work toward moving their own country in that direction.

That is a long-term process, but there is important work right now that Tai, President Biden, and Congress can do to help get it started. First on the agenda should be getting rid of the Trump tariffs. Neither Tai’s “companies will have problems adjusting” argument nor her leverage argument hold water. The right thing to do is to rip off the Trump-era band-aid and move on to policies that at least have a chance of working. Congress or President Biden could do this tomorrow.

Repealing these bad policies is not enough, though. The larger system that makes tariff abuse possible needs reform. As we recommend in the new CEI Agenda for Congress, this would mean repealing Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 and Sections 201 and 301 of the Trade Act of 1974.

These provisions allow the president to enact tariffs without congressional approval. The China tariffs were enacted under Section 301. The steel and aluminum tariffs—against allies we’ll need as counterweights to China—were enacted under Section 232, allegedly for national security reasons. It’s time for them to go, and Tai can play a role in making that happen.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership is an important diplomatic counterweight to China; the U.S. should rejoin it. Tai and President Biden should work to rebuild the World Trade Organization’s dispute resolution process, where the U.S. wins more than 85 percent of the cases it brings. Renewing Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) would speed up negotiations for a trade agreement with China, if the president chooses that route. At the very least, TPA would help with upcoming agreements with the United Kingdom and the European Union, whose help we’ll need to counter Chinese influence. Tai can play an important role working with Congress to renew TPA before it expires in July.

This is a somewhat slow period in China-U.S. relations. The tariff back-and-forth is likely over with Trump out of office. The Phase One agreement, which was unrealistic to begin with, was made completely unworkable by COVID, and is essentially dead.

But over the medium to long term, working to liberalize China will be a top economic, diplomatic, and humanitarian priority for the United States. Tai stumbled out of the gates in her first interview, but it’s a long race. With the right policies, she can help make historic positive changes that will benefit both the American and Chinese people.

For more on those policies, see the trade chapter in CEI’s new Agenda for Congress, my paper on COVID-related trade reforms, and Iain Murray’s and my paper “Traders of the Lost Ark.”