Category Archives: Argumentation

Responding to Media Matters

Apparently the folks at Media Matters didn’t care for my July 12 article in the Daily Caller debunking the cell phone cancer scare.

The trouble is, I’m not quite sure why. They never say. Jamison Foser’s blog post doesn’t touch a single argument I made in the article. Instead he attacks me personally, as well as CEI. For all I know, he agrees with everything I said. Or maybe he disagrees. I don’t know.

His main point is that corporate funding makes arguments untrustworthy. Since CEI receives some corporate funding, we are therefore suspicious. This is not a rigorous line of thought. Arguments are either right or wrong. The presence or absence of corporate funding has nothing to do with whether an argument is right or wrong.

There is also the matter of Media Matters’ own very generous corporate donors, which Foser does not address.

Media Matters’ fixation on corporate funding is an easy way for them to avoid genuine intellectual engagement. It is a diversion. If you are unable to attack the argument, then attack the person making it.

This ad hominem attack deserves a rebuttal. The Daily Caller was kind enough to run mine this morning. I hope you will take a few minutes to read it.

The State of the Immigration Debate

Alex Nowrasteh and I expected some negative feedback on our article today on immigration reform in The American Spectator Online. We’re probably in the minority for favoring liberalization. And we’re probably a minority of that minority for using the law of demand as our primary argument.

I have a special affection for the Spectator; they were the first outlet to publish me more than once. They’ve let me write on all kinds of issues, from sports to politics to toxicology to economics, no matter what perspective I come from. Even better, I’ve gotten tons of thoughtful feedback from some very smart readers over the years. And we got plenty of that today from people who disagree with us, as expected. This is always welcome.

But one of today’s commenters makes me concerned about the level of debate on immigration. This is especially important since this divisive issue is heating up again in the wake of Arizona’s new law. I’ve reprinted his or her comment below unedited, and will offer no further editorializing, other than that this commenter in no way reflects on the Spectator, and that I hope it is satire.

Northern Rebel| 4.27.10 @ 4:15PM

Our “President’ admires communist countries, so I suggest he adopt the methods to prevent illegal immigration, that they use:
Torture, and Execution!

I posit the notion, that if we shot people the second they crossed into our country, illegal immigration would be a problem no more.

After the first hundred or so shootings, people would realize that we were serious about protecting our borders.

Let the shooting begin!

A Lesson in Cause and Effect

Ari Fleischer, President Bush’s former press secretary, has a piece in today’s New York Times that is, to be polite, dumb.

His article is a lament that the Yankees only seem to win championships when Democrats are in the White House. Fleischer is both a Republican and a Yankee fan. What is he to do?

Yes, Fleischer presumably wrote with tongue in cheek. His argument is still stupid.

Correlation does not equal causation. There is no causal relation between the current president’s party afiliation and who wins the World Series. Fleischer has no need to fret about his divided loyalties. Maybe one reason the Times is doing do badly is that it too often uses its scarce op-ed space for fluff instead of substance.

Goldman Sachs and Crony Capitalism

Over at NPR, George Mason professor Russ Roberts looks at why Goldman Sachs prospers as Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers die, despite following more or less similar business practices. Key point:

[C]apitalism is a profit and loss system. The profits encourage risk-taking. The losses encourage prudence. If the taxpayer almost always eats the losses for the losers, you don’t have capitalism. You have crony capitalism.

The content deserves close study. So does the delivery; Russ is one of the clearest economics writers there is.

Robert Reich Gets It

robert_reich

Some of the consequences of increasing government’s role in health care are easy to predict. One is that cutting costs requires cutting the amount of care. That means rationing. People judged not deserving of care would be denied it.

Another is that if government uses its increased bargaining power to lower drug prices, there will be less money for R&D. That means less innovation. That could well mean the end of increasing life expectancies.

Some people see these consequences and oppose more government in health care (I refuse to call President Obama and Congress’ proposal a reform; that word implies improvement). Others see those same consequences as reasons for supporting proposed legislation.

Today’s issue of OpinionJournal’s Political Diary (requires paid subscription) shows that Robert Reich, who supports government-run health care, realizes its effects on rationing and innovation, supports it anyway, and said so in a public speech at UC Berkeley in 2007.

Mr. Reich told the Berkeley youngsters: “You — particularly you young people, particularly you young healthy people — you’re going to have to pay more. And by the way, if you’re very old, we’re not going to give you all that technology and all those drugs for the last couple of years of your life to keep you maybe going for another couple of months. It’s too expensive . . . so we’re going to let you die’”

Reich goes on:

“I’m going to use the bargaining leverage of the federal government in terms of Medicare, Medicaid — we already have a lot of bargaining leverage — to force drug companies and insurance companies and medical suppliers to reduce their costs. What that means, less innovation and that means less new products and less new drugs on the market which means you are probably not going to live much longer than your parents.”

Whether you support more government in health care or not is up to you. But it is not disputable that those consequences exist. They should be factored into your opinion. Supporters of proposed legislation should acknowledge the effects of their ideas. Instead, they usually run away from them.

Kudos to Robert Reich for the intellectual honesty he displayed in his speech. More, please.

Regulation of the Day 61: Big Screen TVs – Mankind’s Doom!

bi screen tv

On November 4, California regulators may vote to ban big-screen televisions. The large sets use more energy than they would prefer.

Commissioner Julia Levin claims the ban “will actually save consumers money and help the California economy grow and create new clean, sustainable jobs.”

It is easy to imagine the ban costing tv manufacturing jobs; less so the jobs that would take their place.

Fortunately, the ban isn’t terribly enforceable. Consumers can just drive to Arizona, Nevada, or Oregon to get the kind of tv they want.

A final point on semantics: what does “sustainable” even mean, anyway? It is a meaningless buzz term, right up there with “synergy” and “paradigm.” This decade’s equivalent of “social justice.”

If anything, use of the word “sustainable” signals that a person knows not of what they speak. If you’re unable to defend a proposal on the merits, just use fashionable buzz words that poll well.

Think Tanks and Tea Parties

Think tanks don’t have as much impact as they could, or should. Economists talking to each other has its uses. It is the first stage in generating ideas and trickling them down to the masses. Trouble is, in subsequent stages, those ideas tend to get lost.

Case in point: we live in a democracy. In the long run, the people get what they want. Good or bad. Looking at polling data, people tend to want bad economic policies. And that’s exactly what we’re getting.

Sound policy needs to become popular policy. Think tanks should increase their popular outreach. Going on cable news is great, but most people don’t watch cable news. Getting published in the Wall Street Journal or New York Times is great, too. But most people don’t read them.

That’s why there’s been a push toward grassroots-style activism lately. Maybe that could aid in trickling good ideas down to the masses. The tea parties that happened on tax day are only the latest example.

I would be hard pressed to find a less effective form of activism.

Many kind, sane people were there, holding up their signs and saying their peace with a quiet dignity.

They were drowned out by nuts, cranks, and assorted loons; such people are drawn to protests like moths to a flame. They make for more exciting media coverage than the average attendee. They’re louder, for one, visually and sonically. The crazies are also very good at making any event at which they appear look bad.

They hijacked an event that was supposed to be about taxes and spending. A taxing-and-spending message that I generally agree with quickly became something else entirely.

Abortion kills! End the Fed! No gay marriage! Then the conspiracy theorists. We must stop the cabal of five Jewish bankers who run the world financial system from impoverishing us all for the benefit of Israel!

Where do these people come from? They were everywhere.

It almost made me embarrassed that I favor lower taxes and spending. Are these my fellow travelers? What am I thinking?

By comparison, even the loftiest, most disengaged think tank is an effective agent of change. People do listen to economists, even if they don’t understand them. We can be taken seriously. Meanwhile protesters are politely ignored, or a nuisance.

Yes, we think tankers need to spend more time speaking to ordinary folks. A lot more time. But at least we do have some influence.

Which is better than none at all.

Clarity in the Immigration Debate

Immigration is not always the clearest of issues. Just watch the talking heads on the tv. Both sides have the maddening tendency to claim the same argument as their own — “I am for legal immigration, and against illegal immigration.”

Sounds reasonable enough. That’s probably why so many people say it in the first place. But where does that kind of thinking take us?

The quota on H1-B visas for highly skilled workers is currently 65,000 per year. Remember the pro-legal, anti-illegal argument. That requires being for 65,000 visas, and against 65,001 visas. Think about that for a minute. Isn’t that weird? 0.0015% is the difference between saying yes and no.

It gets stranger. Congress constantly changes the definition of “legal immigration.” Restrictions are tightened in one bill. Loosened in the next. Do people then change their mind every time Congress passes new immigration legislation?

This is not a rigorous line of thought. That’s why I don’t think very many people actually think that way, even if they say they do. Most people have some optimum immigration level they’d like to see. This is where the real immigration debate lies.

My preference is on the high side. For a lot of reasons, I favor letting in more immigrants. Morally and economically, in my heart and my head, that is what I believe to be right.

Others would prefer to have fewer immigrants. They have their own reasons, just as sincerely held.

Being for legal immigration and against illegal immigration may sound sane and pragmatic. Really, it is neither. It reduces a debate over the well-being of millions to semantics.

Combatants in the immigration debate should base their opinions on what they feel is just. Not on whatever happens to be legal this year.

Sometimes Questions Are Better than Answers

Adam Cohen’s piece in today’s New York Times, “Republicans’ Latest Talking Point: The New Deal Failed,” is profoundly interesting. I have no idea if the article is representative of Cohen’s thought. But I’m led to believe that he is the type of person who, while very intelligent, did not ask many questions in school.

The standard high school civics textbook paints a glowing picture of the New Deal. So does public opinion. The inquisitive mind does not just take that at face value. It asks questions. Seeks answers. Comes to its own conclusion.

Maybe Cohen did all that, and decided the New Deal was a good thing. I am skeptical that he went to the trouble.

Why? Start with his first argument. It is simply lazy. It is a partisan’s argument. He quotes Fox News and the Wall Street Journal, and declares, these people vote Republican! Of course they’re wrong!

Yes, Republicans are wrong on many issues. Most issues, in fact. At least from my perspective. But Republican = wrong is just lazy. One must take an argument seriously to determine its merit.

His second argument is also lazy. It appeals to public opinion. This is a fallacy. A quarter of voters didn’t even know which party controlled Congress last election. 55% of Americans reject something as basic as evolution. Public opinion is not to be trusted, in other words. Better to come to your own conclusions. Better to ask questions.

Cohen’s most compelling argument is also his least rigorous: anecdote. He tells a story of a man helped by New Deal spending. Note that he left out stories of people hurt by that spending. Both kinds of anecdotes are right there in the open. Cohen is guilty of cherrypicking.

Then there are the errors of fact. Cohen claims that President Bush rolled back the regulatory state. But 33,055 new regulations passed under Bush’s watch. That’s not a typo. I’ll spell it out. Thirty-three thousand and fifty-five new regulations. Look at the data. Bush didn’t roll back anything.

Cohen is simply mistaken. He didn’t ask questions. He just assumed that Republican = deregulation. He didn’t ask if that was actually true.

As an economist, here’s the real doozy:

“The anti-New Deal line is wrong as a matter of economics. F.D.R.’s spending programs did help the economy and created millions of new jobs. The problem, we now know, is not that F.D.R. spent too much priming the pump, but rather that he spent too little. It was his decision to cut back on spending on New Deal programs that brought about a nasty recession in 1937-38.”

Really?

First, the theory. Let’s ask: what was the impact of FDR’s programs? Every dollar spent on them was a dollar that was taken out of the economy, then put back into it. This is not how an economy grows. Growth requires the creation of new wealth, not the redistribution of old wealth.

And the data? One of President Obama’s top advisers, Christina Romer, showed that both the Depression and the 1937-38 dip were largely monetary phenomenons. Not fiscal. Monetary. Look at the data.

What about that fiscal policy? Another economist, Price Fishback, demonstrated that New Deal fiscal policy had almost no net effect on the economy. Again, look at the data.

If one asks questions and looks at the data, one finds that the New Deal did not actually help the economy. Partisan affiliation has nothing to do with it. Neither does public opinion.

Theory and data do. All you have to do is ask them.

Sadly, most media outlets – and their customers – do not want to ask questions. That requires too much thought. Too much effort. Worse, such things can’t fit into soundbites. No, we want people who have answers.

A Cooler Perspective on the Global Warming Debate

Over at the New York Times, John Tierney looks at the state of the global warming debate. He points out that those who hold non-mainstream views are usually dismissed as corporate shills.

This is a shame; people have put forward arguments that are either right or wrong. Funding sources have nothing to do with whether those arguments are right or wrong.

Many people think they’re wrong. It would be nice to know why, instead of who underwrites their research. Who cares? There are much bigger fish to fry here.

We know the Earth is getting warmer, and there’s a high probability that humans have something to do with it. Beyond that, we still have a lot to learn. We have yet to conclusively determine whether the net effects will be good or bad. Will it be better to adapt to a changing world, or to try to stop that change altogether? Those are big questions, and we don’t know the answers yet.

So let’s get to finding them out. Demonizing people who disagree with us is, to be frank, a waste of time.